The year of 2011 in Armenia politically began and ended in high-profile dismissals/resignations, intrigues and mutual accusations, which is characteristic for a year of pre-election readjustments. Another highlight of the year was an unprecedented dialogue between the government and the main opposition Armenian National Congress (ANC), which continued for several weeks in summer before grounding to a halt, with each side holding the opponent responsible for the failure.

Allegations about growing differences between two major governing coalition members, the main ruling Republican Party of Armenia (RPA) and its junior partner, Prosperous Armenia Party (PAP), began still at the beginning of the year, but subsided a little with the signing of a new coalition memorandum.

Still that memorandum, while bringing in a new culture in the country’s political life, drew a lot of criticism from nearly all opposition forces and independent observers.

The political spring was opened by opposition Heritage party founder Raffi Hovannisian, who in March staged a 15-day hunger strike that he called ‘Freedom Fast’ in Liberty Square, then still remaining off-limits to the main opposition. The action revealed differences between the ANC and Heritage reaching even the stage of insults.

As for the ANC, the year must have brought some mixed feelings to its supporters, as along with victories, such as the return to Liberty Square, the amnesty, the creation of preconditions for a dialogue with the government. On the other hand, it had some internal strife.

After the suspension of the ANC-government dialogue, in September the opposition launched a fresh campaign of rallies, which turned into nonstop demonstrations in October, which, largely, proved futile.

The year was also marked by a parade of dismissals/resignations, which, unlike it was in previous years, were characterized not by cosmetic changes, but by purely pre-election strategies.

The holder of the state’s second most important political post, Parliament Speaker Hovik Abrahamyan, stepped down half a year before the expiration of the legislative body’s five-year term, to manage the RPA’s election campaign in the next parliamentary elections slated for May 2012. Abrahamyan became the fifth speaker of parliament who did not stay in his post until the end of the parliament’s mandate.

Another senior RPA member and Abrahamyan’s former deputy Samvel Nikoyan was installed as new speaker. The last-minute nomination by the parliamentary opposition Heritage party of its candidate for speaker could not pose a challenge to the RPA-dominated coalition majority in the body.

Other changes within the upper echelons of power included departure of President Serzh Sargsyan’s influential son-in-law from the presidential administration with the stated goal/intention of helping the RPA election campaign manager Hovik Abrahamyan as well as the resignation of Karen Karapetyan after only 11 months of work as mayor of Yerevan and the dismissal of Chief of Police Alik Sargsyan (no relation to the president).

While rearrangements were on within the ruling elites, the alleged RPA-PPA standoff got a new dimension after Prime Minister and senior RPA member Tigran Sargsyan warned political forces (without specifying the addressee) about either cooperating or facing an uncertain future. Then, at the latest ANC rally the ex-president and current opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan in fact made a surprise offer of cooperation to the PAP.

This was allegedly followed by what one of senior PAP lawmakers Naira Zohrabyan described as an inquisition-style ‘witch-hunt’ against the party as several of its members and supporters were arrested on drug-related charges. Then
media reported about the possibility of the RPA and the PPA contesting the 2012 parliamentary elections within a single slate of candidates.

Armenia’s technocrat Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan, for once, changed his behavior pattern typical of a lecturer, recalling his grandfather’s piece of advice: “Never make friends with those who do not drink”.

And the other parliamentary minority party, Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) at the end of the year appeared to have forgotten its image of the opposition and despite its call for the resignation of the government and criticism of its policies supported the pro-establishment candidate for the parliament speaker’s post. The kind of vote, however, rather revealed the rivalry that may exist between Dashnaktsutyun and Heritage

Armenia’s second president Robert Kocharyan did not let the media and the public forget about him in 2011 either. There’s been talk about Kocharyan’s possible return to major-league politics since the beginning of the year. In September, Kocharyan himself provided an answer as he did not ‘rule out’ his political comeback .

The year has also stood out by tougher criticism heard from outside and the higher standing of those criticizing. It was a cold shower for the Armenian authorities when at a pan-Armenian forum of Diaspora organization heads and representatives Catholicos of the Great House of Cilicia Aram I made a critical speech in which the top cleric blamed the Armenian authorities for the dwindling population in Armenia and for what he described as “internal bleeding” in the country.

That was followed by reported criticism of the corruption and state of economic affairs in Armenia from well-known Russian-Armenian businessman Levon Hayrapetyan.

But the most remarkable reported criticism came from world-renowned French-Armenian crooner Charles Aznavour , who reportedly decried the ‘internal genocide’ in Armenia. Later, through a state-run news agency, Aznavour, who also serves as Armenia’s ambassador to Switzerland, denied having said that, but to many that refutation sounded like a diplomat’s step.